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Van Gorp observes that individuals connect the framing devices in a news story with cultural phenomena because they are already familiar with them (2007, p. 63). Thus, by invoking a particular cultural theme frames can determine w hich meaning the receiver attaches to an issue (p. 63). Media provides an important source from which members of the community, such as jurors, form their views about legal issues and through which legal and law enforcement professionals seek to advance their preferred frames.

Easteal University of Canberra Lorana Bartels Australian National University Noni Nelson Kate Holland University of Canberra Download full-text PDF Read full-text Download full-text PDF Read full-text Download citation Copy link Link copied Read full-text Download citation Copy link Link copied Citations (21) References (81) Abstract Consideration of the medias representations of women who kill highlights dominant discourses in the framing of public responses to criminal acts of a particular kind, which in turn shapes legal responses to such acts.

Generally, women who commit murder are, in some way, portrayed as an aberration of true womanhood as either bad or mad.

We identify some common themes in the mad, bad and sad representations of these women, as well as a tendency to downplay information that might contextualise or explain the womens actions.

Details of the womens appearance and sexuality were also emphasised in media reports, with particular attention given to sensationalised images, for example, depictions of debauchery, vampirism and lesbianism.

By contrast, underlying social issues and causes are often not included.

We therefore conclude that our ability to make sense of such crimes in a manner that may assist in their prevention is diminished.

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In this review article, we consider whether such patriarchal values and myths also translate into the representation of women who kill.

It has been suggested that, in breaking the law, female offenders are doubly deviant (Naylor, 1990, p.

Collins, 2014, p.

Weatherby et al, 2008) because they breach general social expectations as well as transgress appropriate feminine behaviour (Berrington Honkatukia, 2002, p.

In other words, gendered ideals of behaviour derived from cultural ideas about femininity (Brennan Vandenberg, 2009, p.

As Easteal has noted, the woman who commits a crime is perceived as having perpetrated an act that is diametrically in opposition to the traditional characterisation of her sex as gentle, nurturing and angelical.

She is far closer to the whore, the bad woman end of the scale, since her behaviour is deviating from the natural feminine traits (2001, p.

V iolence is incompatible with our conception of good women who are nurturing and emotional mothers andor passive and cooperative wives (see Brennan, 2002; Huckerby, 2003; Naylor, 1990).

Therefore, a woman who kills profoundly challenges deeply held assumptions about women and their capacity to nurture others (Storrs, 2004, p.

Whiteley recently completed her doctoral research on Australian wome n incarcerated for murder in Australia and observed that: Despite the significant contributions to the understandi ng of the phenomenon of a woman who kills, the gravitation to demonise what the western world cannot adequately account for continues.

These representations uphold feminine norms by constructing female criminality in terms of gender deviance (Lin, 2012, p.

Skilbrei, 2012, p.

Kerry, 2011, p. 263, 271).

Deviance can be correlated with badness or madness caused by female hormones or disordered reproductive systems, and has more recently been linked to sadness in the context of victims of violence (Easteal, 2002, p.

In each instance, some external factor is related in the story that explains the criminal behavior of women who are not classified as bad.

They may be depicted as victims of circumstance, with criminal behavior linked to a biological malady or a medical condition (Barnett, 2005).

In contrast to the bad women, the narrative for these mad or sad women is more likely to include the offenders feminine appearance (Berrington Honkatukia, 2002).

Thus, it seems that women who commit murder are, in some way, portrayed as an aberration of true womanhood: man -hating, lesbian vampire, demented castrator, unnatural mother (Creed, in Greenwood, 1996, p.

Farr, 2009, p. 62) or as a victim herself (Jewkes, 2004).

According to Maras, these typologies force women into categories, which they often do not fit into, creating a seemingly general profile of a woman murderer, which relies on gendered assumptions about women and the motives behind their crimes (2014, p.

In this article, w e provide an overview of the vast literature that has examined media reporting of women who kill and we consider whether or not portrayals vary according to the relationship of the offender to her victim.

We therefore structure our review on the basis of the womans relationship to her victim, namely, women who kill a violent partner, women who commit filicide, and women who kill a non-family member.

Many of the studies we review draw upon the concept of framing to describe the role media reporting plays in emphasising some aspects of cases of women who kill while obscuring from view other pertinent factors.

We understand frames as being embedded in the symbolic environment and thus available for journalists and other social actors to draw upon in making sense of social issues (Reese, 2007; Van Gorp, 2007).

Van Gorp observes that individuals connect the framing devices in a news story with cultural phenomena because they are already familiar with them (2007, p.

Thus, by invoking a particular cultural theme frames can determine w hich meaning the receiver attaches to an issue (p.

Media provides an important source from which members of the community, such as jurors, form their views about legal issues and through which legal and law enforcement professionals seek to advance their preferred frames.